Tag: monopolies

𝙏𝙤𝙬𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙨 𝙖 𝙐𝙣𝙞𝙩𝙚𝙙 𝙁𝙧𝙤𝙣𝙩

𝙏𝙤𝙬𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙨 𝙖 𝙐𝙣𝙞𝙩𝙚𝙙 𝙁𝙧𝙤𝙣𝙩

An analysis of the situation in the country shows that objective conditions are ripe for the establishment of a united anti-monopoly front. But objective conditions alone are not enough. solution of

The growing consciousness of the masses and their active part in the political issues are highly essential. And in this much depends on us.

We must patiently explain that the brunt of the struggles should be directed against one central source of all our troubles. We must be able to show how it is that US capitalism is the root-source of these troubles. And how the large monopolies have taken over and dominate all phenomena in the fields of economics, politics, and the state

apparatus. We must clearly show how the policies of world imperialist enslavement are simply a continuation of the policies of exploitation at home, by the very same culprits namely, the U.S. monopolists.

We must make it clear to all that the concepts of peaceful co-existence, of disarma- ment, of cutting taxes and war budgets, of struggling for democracy are all tied together and dependent on the outlook of a retreat for U.S. monopolies’ policies of war. This understanding is necessary as a foundation to raise these struggles to new levels. But in order to achieve this we must lead the American people, and be able concretely to show them that these policies of imperialism are not to their benefit, not to their interest.

We can make great pronouncements but they will have very little effect if we fail to take note of feelings of national pride. Let us, for example, take the extremely impor- tant question of U.S. overseas bases. We must explain that their withdrawal is to the national interest of America as a nation, to every class, but above all to the working class. Without this we are going to fail.

It would be very effective to have delegations of American peace fighters meet with

peace fighters of Japan, of Great Britain, of Norway where these bases are, to show

mutual interest and to work out policies of mutual work to do away with these bases..

Somehow or other, we have to create the feeling that for the interest of the American people this dead weight must be cut loose. Let these bases sink and not sink the nation with them. We have ideas but we don’t have the handles. And the reason for that is that we

don’t have united front relations.

In order to establish the united front the whole energy of our Party should be released. And this means, in particular, that it must be released through the clubs. The latter are now the very centre of the Party’s work, and we should concretely examine what are the tasks of our clubs in the field of the united front relations. The same is true of shop clubs. We have to examine them in steel and in auto. The fact is that they cannot become the centre of the Party’s work without that concept. They cannot become growing bodies unless they have such relationships to the masses. They will remain dead, dull forms without it.

Further, we have to pursue a policy of coming closer with the left and progressive elements. For some reason we have lost contact with them. And without that we talk tall in the abstract and our policies don’t mean much. If you don’t influence those closest to you, you can’t influence broader sections of the masses.

We have to explode certain wrong concepts that have grown in our Party. Thus, for instance, there is an under-estimation of the left non communist groups in America. There is talk that they are small, they are isolated. But if we look around us seriously that becomes nonsense quickly. For in point of fact these groups are neither small nor isolated. They are quite a force in this country and it’s a growing force. We have movements around the language groups; there are tremendous areas of

movement for Negro rights; there are left elements in the unions and in the professional

field. There is a feeling that these forces are in competition with us. This is nonsense. As a
matter of fact the masses that follow the left forces tend to travel towards us. In most cases they will not come to us immediately. It is only natural. Very seldom do the masses come directly from politically unconscious strata to us. There are stations that they travel through and stop over for a while and then move on to us. So we must explode the idea that these forces are in competition with us.

Also, we cannot demand too much from these forces. We cannot demand, for example, communist standards in their understanding of the role of the Soviet Union, of the role of the Communist Party, U.S.A. This is wrong. Only from Communists can we demand communist understanding and communist standards.

It is necessary to re-examine the left forces very basically as a part of our united front policy. And we will inevitably arrive at the conclusion that the various separate movements and all the anti-imperialist struggles can potentially acquire a monolithic character. And this is an important base for the establishment of an anti-monopoly coalition.

U.S. imperialism has suffered a number of serious setbacks. These flow from and are the products of the new relationship of world forces. However, in the final analysis, it is the people of the United States who must take the aggressive policies of the imperialists of its own country into the historical woodshed.

The gateway to progress, to peace for the United States, is blocked by the policies of a group of greedy monopoly forces, entrenched in the economy, in the political life, in the military and in the government. These policies are in ever sharper contradiction to the interests of the people. As has happened on a world scale-the balance of weight between these forces will tip to the side of the people and against the forces of imperialism and war.

Those who steer America’s foreign policy cannot but reckon with the reverberations that their activities produce both on a world scale and in this country. And in this sense the masses of people in our country will, increasingly, influence the foreign policies of the United States.

This is how we must view the present-day developments in the life of our nation. We must see them in the context of the ever-changing balance of the world forces and the forces within the U.S.A., within the perspective of a declining phase in the epoch of capitalism; in the context of the rising phase of the epoch of socialism and communism.

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Export Of Capital

Export Of Capital

One of the main economic features of imperialism is the export of capital . Export of goods was typical of pre – monopoly capitalism when free competition had undivided sway . Under monopoly capitalism foreign trade continues to expand , but the export of capital acquires exceptional importance . During the period of monopoly capitalism the export of capital becomes the main instrument of systematic exploitation of the greater part of the world by a handful of eco nomically developed capitalist countries . Vast amounts of ” surplus capital ” arise in a number of capitalist countries . Under imperialism the domination of monopolies with their enormous concentration of capital , and the development of joint – stock companies and banks which concentrate vast amounts of the population’s free money give rise to ” sur plus capital ” in a number of capitalist countries . This ” sur plus capital ” is conditional and relative . The living standards of the masses of people under capitalism remain comparatively low , while agriculture , which greatly lags behind industry , is very much in need of money for its develop ment . But monopoly capitalism cannot use the ” surplus capi tal ” to raise the living standards of the people because that would reduce the profits of the monopolists . In pursuit of higher profits the monopolies export capital . In the beginning of the 20th century capital was exported mainly to the backward , colonial and dependent countries where the scarcity of capital , low land prices , low wages and cheap raw materials ensured fabulously high profits . Capital is still being exported to underdeveloped countries . Between 1946 and 1960 the U.S.A. withdrew from Latin American countries 8.800 million dollars of profits , whereas the new American direct private capital investments in Latin America during the same period amounted only to 4,500 million dollars . Export of capital from one highly – developed capitalist country to another has been rapidly developing in recent years be cause of intensified competition and the difference in wages . Capital is exported in two basic forms : firstly , as productive capital consisting in investments in industry , agriculture , transport , etc. , and , secondly , as loan capital , i.e. , loans to governments and private credit . Despite the different forms of export of capital its exporters pursue the same aim , namely , to obtain high monopoly profits . Both private and state capital may be exported . In the beginning of the 20th century the export of capital was almost entirely private business . Today state capital amounts to about half the total export of capital and continues to increase because private capital prefers to take no risks in connection with the increasing danger of nationalisation in the liberated countries . Imperialist states use export of capital to extend the old and seize new sources of raw materials . markets and spheres of capital investments , and to effect eco nomic , political and military strategic expansion .